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Driven From Kosovo!

Interview with Čedomir Prlinčević, Director of Archives of Kosovo Province (Serbia), President of the Jewish Community in Priština, capital of Kosovo

Interviewers: Jared Israel, Editor Emperor’s Clothes
Nancy Gust

[Posted 9 September 1999 * Re-posted with an introduction by Jared Israel, March 6, 2008]


Table of Contents

* “An Act of Bravery:
The Director of Archives Leaves a Record”
by Jared Israel
March 6, 2008

* “Driven from Kosovo, Part I”
Interview with Čedomir Prlinčević
September 1, 1999

* “Driven from Kosovo, Part II”
Interview with Čedomir Prlinčević
September 2, 1999

[Note: For mailing purposes we have posted this article without diacritics (accents) at ]

An Act of Bravery:
The Director of Archives Leaves a Record

by Jared Israel

[March 6, 2008]


Among the many questions generally overlooked in current media discussions of Kosovo’s so-called independence
[1] are three concerning the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) leaders, who now head Kosovo’s so-called government:

A) Are they rebels-turned-statesmen or racist killers in suits?

B) Are they representatives of a progressive independence movement or heirs to World War II Nazis, dug up, reassembled and given a liberal gloss by outside powers?

C) Did they have anything to do with the flight from Kosovo of approximately 300,000 Serbs and other Yugoslav loyalists, after NATO placed these KLA ‘independence fighters’ in power in the beginning of the summer of 1999?

These questions are answered in interviews Emperor's Clothes published in September 1999 and December 2000 with Čedomir Prlinčević, who was President of the Jewish Community and Director of Archives in Priština (Prishtina), Kosovo until he was driven from that city.

The first interview, conducted in two parts (posted below), challenges the media claim that NATO’s takeover of Kosovo was a victory for ethnic tolerance and human rights, and that the KLA was a progressive movement for ‘Kosovar’ self-determination, independent of NATO.

Even the Milosevic government, wishing to depict the 1999 war as ending in Yugoslav victory, avoided discussing the reign of terror against Serbs and other Yugoslav loyalists, launched when NATO marched into Kosovo.

Čedomir Prlinčević, a scholarly archivist, was the first to communicate the immense scale of the racist terror following NATO's invasion.

For Mr. Prlinčević, granting this interview was an act of bravery. In March 1999, before NATO began bombing Serbia, Mr. Prlinčević, then 61, was chief archivist of Kosovo. Three months later he and his family were refugees in Belgrade. As he says, they didn’t have time to pack a suitcase before they had to run for their lives.

The interview was conducted two months after Mr. Prlinčević arrived in Belgrade, when the shock was still fresh. He wanted the world to know what had happened, although this involved serious risk. For one thing, he had been president of the Jewish Community in Priština; it was his responsibility to avoid any act that would prevent Jews from returning to that city or endanger Jews elsewhere in Kosovo.

It was my impression that, torn between honesty and hope, Mr. Prlinčević held back, not saying all he knew lest he infuriate the new rulers of Kosovo. Even as he told a misinformed world about NATO’s actions, which made it clear that the KLA terrorists were NATO proxies, he held onto the hope that the KLA and its NATO/UN supervisors might begin to act reasonable, that things might somehow normalize. Speaking of the residents of Milana, the neighborhood where he had lived, he told me, “Many of the people who lived there are of prominent status and social position in the city.” Notice that he used the present tense: “are of prominent status.” In fact, at the time, they were no longer.

In November 1999, two months after the interview, I saw Mr. Prlinčević in Amsterdam, where we both had been invited to address a meeting about the reign of terror in NATO/UN occupied Kosovo. He was still devastated and he was still hoping. At the meeting, when he tried to speak about his experiences, he broke down in tears. Talking to me the next day, he commented that the new ‘authorities’ would of course carefully maintain the archives in Priština. I said that, regrettably, I didn’t think so. I believed the KLA would destroy those archives. He was shocked. How could they do that? Surely they would need records – everyone needed records of births and deaths and marriages and ownership, and so on. Didn't they?

I said: “Cedda, the KLA just drove perhaps 300,000 people into homelessness and stole all their property including homes, farms, businesses. The last thing they want is to preserve records of ownership.”

In this first interview, I think it required an intense internal struggle between emotion (his hesitation about antagonizing the KLA and NATO) and principle (his desire to tell the truth) for Mr. Prlinčević to be able to say, in Part I, that the stories of Yugoslav army atrocities were lies and, in Part II, that the terrorists marched into Priština side by side with NATO. Because of his courage we have direct testimony from the Director of Archives of Kosovo. The legal records he worked on all his adult life are, I am afraid, no more. But this record remains.

In the second interview, a year later, Čedomir Prlinčević was like a different man, in part because his state of shock had receded and in part because of something he saw in Amsterdam.

Being Jewish, Mr. Prlinčević wanted to visit the Anne Frank Museum. He came out of the museum in a rage. Someone had set up an exhibit ‘updating’ the Holocaust, so to speak, depicting the Serbs as today’s Nazis.

This outrageous act – at once trivializing the murder of the European Jews and smearing the Serbs – convinced Mr. Prlinčević that, for the forces that had attacked Yugoslavia, nothing was off limits, and that things were not going to return to normal in Kosovo. In the second interview
[2] he opened up and told me much more about what had happened in Kosovo, answering the important question: Why did many Kosovo Albanians flee to Macedonia and Albania during the 1999 NATO bombing? Were they fleeing bombs, or were they fleeing Serbs? He told me they were fleeing neither.

Below is the first interview, in which Mr. Prlincevic discusses what happened to him and his family when NATO and the KLA arrived in Priština, provincial capital of Kosovo, in June 1999.

-- Jared Israel
Emperor’s Clothes
March 6, 2008


“Driven From Kosovo – Part I”
Interview with Čedomir Prlinčević
Sept. 1, 1999

Interviewer, Jared Israel


Jared Israel: So you are the President of the Jewish Community in Priština? [Priština, capital of the province of Kosovo, is pronounced ‘Prishtina.’ – J.I.]?

Čedomir Prlincevic (pronounced Pre-lin-che-vich): It was a small community. We have all left.

Israel: Why did you leave?

Prlinčević: Because the political settlement became a military resolution. There was pressure on the citizens. They didn’t ask which nationality you were; you were pressed to leave your apartment and the city. Even if I had a paper which said I am the President of the Jewish Community of Priština, in English, signed by the President of the Federation of Jewish Communities from Belgrade, Mr. Singer, the officers from KFOR, [‘KFOR’ stands for ‘Kosovo Force,’ NATO’s name for its troops in Kosovo. – J.I.] refused to recognize that paper and I was kept imprisoned in my home for one week.

I gave it to another KFOR officer later and he said, “I have other business to attend to.”

The powers from Albania came into the country. Their main purpose was to get all the non-Albanian population out. With help from Eliz Viza from Israel and from the Chairman of the Jewish Community from Skopje [pronounced Skopya – J.I.], I was rescued, taken by taxi together with my wife and my mother to Macedonia and from Macedonia I came to Belgrade. The whole rescue operation of my family was broadcast on Israeli TV. Altogether there were 40 people of Jewish origin in Kosovo. They are of mixed marriage, Jewish-Albanian, Jewish-Turkish and Jewish-Serbian. All are prepared to go to Israel. To go back to Kosovo for us is too late. Even though we got a guarantee from Thaçi [pronounced Thatchee – J.I.] who is the head of the KLA [Kosovo Liberation Army, the NATO-backed, anti-Serb terrorist force – J.I.], that our homes would not be touched we have information that all our apartments and our houses were completely robbed and demolished. Which means that the UÇK and Thaçi do not have control. [‘UÇK’ stands for Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës. In English: Kosovo Liberation Army or KLA – J.I.]

Israel: Or they were lying. What did you do in Priština?

Prlinčević: I was a public employee, the Director of Archives of Kosovo and Metohija. There is documentation there which tells the story of Serbians and Turks and Albanians and Jews, whoever lived in Kosovo, and the way of life there.

Israel: Did you ever experience antisemitism from the Serbs?

Prlinčević: Never. Neither from the Albanians. I was a manager of both Albanians and Serbians. We were not driven from Kosovo by Albanians from Priština but by Albanians from Albania.

Israel: In other words a lot of the people we saw cheering German troops on the street were not the local residents?

Prlinčević: The same people who were demonstrating in Albania a few years ago and demolishing the whole country – they are in Kosovo now.

Israel: They have been brought in intentionally by KFOR?

Prlinčević: I cannot tell you.

Israel: Put it this way: they haven’t been stopped?

Prlinčević: No one is stopping them. And with KFOR’s assistance, actually. KFOR was there, saw it all, allowed them to do what they did.

Israel: How did it happen? Were threats made after which you went to KFOR and they said, ‘We won’t help you’?

Prlinčević: They [ Mr. Prlinčević is referring to the terrorists, not KFOR – J.I.] came to our home and threatened they would kill us. They would slaughter us. My wife was defending me. My wife is Serbian. And she was defending me in front of the door.

Israel: How was she doing that?

Prlinčević: They said we will slaughter you, and she said to them, “Kill me! Slaughter me! I will not leave my home!” Then officials of the Jewish community came to our home and put us in a taxi.

Israel: Your wife is a very brave woman. You have made tears come to my eyes.

Prlinčević: And the same happens to me here. She is very brave and I am proud of her.

Israel: OK. OK. Getting back to the people who came to your house. Had you ever seen them before?

Prlinčević: Never.

Israel: Were they armed?

Prlinčević: With machine guns. They completely cleared out the building and the whole area where we lived.

Israel: Cleared out?

Prlinčević: The whole area of 30,000 people; they completely cleared it.

Israel: 30,000? Emptied it?

Prlinčević: Emptied it. Went from house to house and building to building.

Israel: Did they kill anyone?

Prlinčević: Initially one person – a member of a family named Kompic, a Serbian family – they killed, which was an obvious reason for us not to resist.

Israel: In other words they made an example of one family and then they said if you want to die –

Prlinčević: All night they were banging the doors and slamming the doors and going inside apartments and from apartment to apartment.

Israel: Were those private houses?

Prlinčević: Apartment buildings. Many of the people who lived there are of prominent status and social position in the city. Even Albanians who lived in the same buildings were also running away. It was not only Serbian; it was of mixed nationality. This was something completely unknown in the history of Kosovo. Since Kosovo is a multi-national, multi-confessional [i.e., multi-religious – J.I.] society, which lived together for 500 years, there was no such level of hatred as now.

Israel: But you are saying they have sent in Albanians in large numbers from Albania?

Prlinčević: This is a pogrom toward the non-Albanian population all around the Kosovo area, Djakovica, Peć, Kosovska Mitrovica, all over Metohija. Metohija and Kosovo both. [Note: the proper name for the province is Kosovo and Metohija – J.I.]

Israel: But it is not being done by the local Albanians?

Prlinčević: Yes, the foreign Albanians. They differ in language. A different dialect. All over Kosovo it is the same situation. I cannot testify 100% that it is done exclusively by Albanians from Albania. But I have not seen revenge taken against a man by his next door neighbor who was Albanian –

Israel: Did you try to go to KFOR?

Prlinčević: KFOR was in my house when they came there.

Israel: What?

Prlinčević: When the Albanians started to destroy apartments, someone called KFOR and a KFOR officer came inside the house; he was there with his squad. There was a whole bunch [of terrorists – J.I.] going up and down the stairs, a 24 hours pressure of people going up and down the stairs, banging, entering, demolishing. They break down the door and pour in tear gas in some places; and they were robbing –

Israel: Excuse me?

Prlinčević: Robbing, robbing.

Israel: Now, you said the KFOR men were there? Did they actually witness it?

Prlinčević: Yes.

Israel: What did they say?

Prlinčević: They didn’t react at all. They didn’t protect anybody.

Israel: For God’s sake, what did they say?

Prlinčević: They said it is for the civil authorities to regulate the problem. They were only concerned with killings.

Israel: Who were the civil authorities?

Prlinčević: They were not formed yet. There were none.

Israel: How did you know whether you were going to get murdered when someone banged down the door? I guess after you were murdered, you would know?

Prlinčević: Yes. They were just there to draw up documents if you were murdered.

Israel: So. Archivists?

Prlinčević: Yes. Last month a number of very heavy crimes and murders happened in Kosovo. Instead of getting ‘European democracy’ we got a non-defined form of power and – power is not the right word…

Israel: Fascism?

Prlinčević: No. Not fascism. Force. Power. Probably an historian will invent a new word for this …

Israel: It needs a new word …

Prlinčević: Jews have a word, which is pogrom.

Israel: Yeah. It’s a pogrom; that’s right. It’s a pogrom. Indiscriminate brutality against a group – in this case defined by anybody who is – but wait, you say it includes Albanians –

Prlinčević: The population expected real security from KFOR and that’s why they didn’t leave the places where they lived…

Israel: Ahh. Boy. You were set up.

Prlinčević: And that’s what surprised us the most. Instead of defending the population they [i.e., KFOR – J.I.]  just stand by and watch what is happening as if it is not a relevant situation. During June and July 300,000 people left Kosovo, which is the non-Albanian population, Serbians, Turks, Gorani [Slavic Muslims] , ’Gypsies,’ that is the Romi, also people from Montenegro. 300,000.

Israel: What about – you said Albanians from Kosovo were being harassed too –

Prlinčević: Yes. Those who were pro-Yugoslav oriented. Who were loyal citizens of the country.

Israel: So the people who were living –

Prlinčević: They [i.e., the terrorists – J.I.] could tell from the person’s work.

Israel: So the people who were living in the area with you, were considered by these gangs to be collaborationists because they were living in a mixed area?

Prlinčević: No. Only the position of power.

Israel: I’m not sure what you mean.

Prlinčević: They attacked those who were not for their separatist movement. Not supporters of the separatists.

Israel: So they knew which neighborhoods [the loyalists lived in]?

Prlinčević: Yes. They knew. Every loyal citizen of Serbia was punished. It doesn’t matter which party he belongs to, the opposition or the ruling party; it doesn’t matter. Different parties have different ideas and different religious or national characteristics but –

Israel: They didn’t care about any of that?

Prlinčević: No. They have realized the plan of Greater Albania in Kosovo. From World War II, from Fascism.

Israel: During the bombing the US press says the Serbs attacked the Albanians. What did you witness?

Prlinčević: The war was very dirty, between the army and the secessionists. [Mr. Prlinčević paused here – J.I.] Thirty-five members of my family are here with me now. And my mother is here. And one pregnant lady, eight months. Twenty of us are without work. We left everything in Kosovo. Seven apartments and three houses that we owned. Some land. And all my life. All my life and I am penniless. I didn’t have time. I was not ready to go. I did not even have a suitcase to pack.

Israel: So for all you know some people didn’t get out and are murdered? Is that true?

Prlinčević: Yes. All I brought was the Talmud. My mother Bea is 81 years old. And my wife. I would prefer to stay in Serbia. First I have a problem with my mother; she is old and sick and what am I going to do with her in Israel now? I love Israel; I was there many times; but it is very hard for me at 61 to settle there.

Israel: My heart goes out to you.

Prlinčević: Thank you very much.

Israel: Thank you for being brave to give me this interview.

Prlinčević: It is very difficult but we have to say the truth. I think that people of good heart and good will will take this interview in the best manner.

Israel: I hope so.

Prlinčević: And this interview should be a beginning of a different kind of thinking and nobody should be a victim in life.

Israel: I agree with you. Before, I asked you a question but you didn’t answer. The Press said the Yugoslav Army committed atrocities against Albanians during the bombing. You said the war was dirty. Could you tell us more?

Prlinčević: Why? Even if I speak about this, nobody trusts citizens of Serbia. Even if I say no, it did not happen, nobody will trust the Serbians.

Israel: But I don’t know exactly what happened; we need to know exactly –

Prlinčević: Even if I say no, even if one Jew coming from Priština would say this charge is not true, it is very hard to believe because he can be a person who has some reason; he can be accused of –

Israel: So what? So they won’t believe you! Let them believe what they will but at least if you say the truth it is being said. Don’t you see, the truth must be –

Prlinčević: I was completely out of the fighting between the Army and KLA –

Israel: But you were in Priština. You are the Chief Archivist of Kosovo. And you know! I am sure that you know! You know if there were people going around massacring people; you know from Albanian friends what was going on; you know if the Army was involved, if CNN was telling the truth or lying; you know a thousand times more than I do and if you can just tell the truth – somebody has to tell the truth for God’s –

Prlinčević: All right.

Israel: And if bad things happened, say that – just tell the truth –

Prlinčević: Bad things did happen. But Serbians as a people, as a nation, were not a nation that from the beginning of its history till this day did genocidal atrocities. But there were individuals who did certain things that should not have been done. But somebody is taking this, exaggerating, trying to make us [i.e., people loyal to Yugoslavia – J.I.] the black sheep and – look, the Serbian people had no problems with the ethnic Albanians and as much as they saved Albanians, the Albanians saved them, especially in the latest period, but as soon as KFOR came in [to Kosovo – J.I.] and the border was opened to Macedonia and Albania lots of outside Albanians came in and the end of it is a mess, killings. So what I’m saying is during the bombardment, in the places where the people lived, there was no massacre by the local population. The Serbs were defending the Albanians from paramilitary troops.

Israel: Not from the Yugoslav Army? They didn’t have to defend them from the Army?

Prlinčević: Never from the Army, not from the police, not from the regular Serbs. No. But with the withdrawal of the army [Note: After the three months of NATO bombing, under the terms of UN Resolution 1124 – essentially, terms of surrender – in June 1999 Yugoslavia withdrew all its troops from Kosovo – J.I.] there were paramilitary groups that existed on both sides – and that was when there was dirt.

Israel: But during the bombing?

Prlinčević: Then there was no massacring at all. For example in Priština we were sitting together with Albanians in the cellar, in the basement.

Israel: From the bombs?

Prlinčević: From NATO. All of us together, “Gypsies”, that’s the Romi people, Serbians, Turks, Albanians, Jews, tenants of the same building. Together. We were together.


“Driven From Kosovo – Part II”
Interview with Čedomir Prlinčević
Sept. 2, 1999

Interviewers, Nancy Gust and Jared Israel


Israel: You said many Albanians fled the KLA, the gangs. Do you know how many?

Prlinčević: Tens of thousands. 15,000 went to Vojvodina, 30,000 to Belgrade, many more.

Israel: How did the gangs that attacked buildings know whom to expel?

Prlinčević: They had evidence who was who. Also they came to people’s offices. People were expelled from their offices. All the institutions which belonged to the government had been occupied. The gangsters were coming to work, whether municipalities, courts or universities, or whatever, which were public, the post office, the civil services; they would come to the buildings and take over, force the people outside. They had a register of who was working in these places.

Israel: Was anybody allowed to stay who lived in your building?

Prlinčević: As much as I know, in the building I lived there is nobody left. If they resisted that person was shot down.

Gust: Do you know how many people were shot?

Prlinčević: For instance they found today one lady which was strangled in the bath. Ljubica Bujouic.

Gust: She was from your complex?

Prlinčević: For example today two villages were completely expelled. And they went to Serbia.

Gust: The woman who was murdered, that was in your apartment complex? How did you know that they found her there?

Prlinčević: It was an official announcement on the TV, but I knew her. 4500 murders in Kosovo since KFOR arrived.

Gust: According to?

Prlinčević: Information that is published by the Media Center from Priština. It is called the Center for Tolerance and Joint Living.

Israel: In your apartment complex were there other murders?

Prlinčević: There were several murders. I can’t be sure because a majority left. Those that resisted were killed.

Israel: How many attackers were there?

Prlinčević: There were a large number of them. They were going up and down all day long. It’s hard to know how many. The building itself has eleven storeys and twenty entrances. It is a huge building.

Israel: Was this building singled out?

Prlinčević: They did the whole area of new buildings begun in 1990, completed in 1995, very luxurious apartments, by our standards luxurious, new buildings, porches, all different kinds of adjoining facilities.

Israel: And were all the people who lived there employees of the government?

Prlinčević: The elite of the city was living in that area. A majority of university professors and managers of different state organizations, public organizations, doctors, physicians, lawyers.

Gust: Someone might argue that, since these were luxury apartments and since this was the elite, this was just a large scale robbery.

Prlinčević: You cannot call it robbery, because they were grabbing us and they were entering; they were occupying the apartments. We are waiting now for a civil government to come from the United Nations to begin their control, but we very much believe that we will not be able to return even though we are being invited to come back. We think that what is happening now will be legalized by the civil authorities when they come in and we expect a migration from the large number of Albanians living now in Europe, from Switzerland, where there is a huge number, from France, from London. And they will come from Albania. They already have.

Gust: While you were there were the Albanians occupying the apartments?

Prlinčević: You cannot call it a robbery because robbery is when I’m not home and you come inside and take my TV. Right? This is robbery.
But you come inside the apartment and you kick me out of the apartment, is this robbery? This is  not robbery, this is complete anarchy, outside the system. Somebody enters by force, kicks you out, goes inside and continues to live? Not just comes there and stays a few hours and drinks coffee and whisky. And all the property inside is not protected? This is like occupying the country, occupying the apartment by force.

Israel: There was a week during which you said you were imprisoned in the apartment and couldn’t leave. Was that the week during which the gang was marauding around?

Prlinčević: Yes, the first week when KFOR came, I was inside the apartment without the ability to go outside because a huge number of Albanians came inside and I was afraid to leave the place.

Israel: They were all over the building?

Prlinčević: No, no, the city. Inside Priština. KFOR was very much concerned about the military withdrawal of the Yugoslav Army, but without paying attention to the civilians.

Israel: At what point did the gangs come? Was it immediately or was it after a few weeks?

Prlinčević: Together with them. In other words, KFOR arrived and the gangs arrived.

Israel: When did they attack the complex?

Prlinčević: They attacked immediately. When the Russians came to Priština, before the British, to the airport, the people were expecting that they would protect them but it was not so.

Gust: How long was it before your apartment complex was attacked? When did that happen?

Prlinčević: On the very day that the British entered my part of the city the gangs started to attack different buildings in this huge area. It’s a quarter of Priština, the section called ‘Milana’.

Gust: Are you saying the gangs arrived physically in the same time and place as the British soldiers? The gangs traveled with British soldiers?

Prlinčević: Yes. The answer is yes. Yes, they came together. Yes. Over the frontier, over the route, over the streets together. Yes!

Gust: Did they just come parallel, at the same time but independently?

Prlinčević: They came in different groups – not together arm by arm – they come and they go, they’re here and there – very often you see them together, mingling, but each of them has a separate organization.

Gust: But you saw them mingling together

Prlinčević: Yes! Yes! For example a gang comes to the building and a tenant calls KFOR and KFOR arrives and goes around the building and then KFOR leaves and the fellows [i.e., the terrorists – J.I.] continue to move around.

Gust: Did the Albanians leave when you called KFOR?

Prlinčević: No, they stayed. They didn’t leave.

Gust: You’re saying the gangs broke into the place, moved into the places, that people called KFOR, KFOR came and they did nothing?

Prlinčević: You know, sometimes they had funny situations. KFOR would come and they said, the Albanians said, “We don’t have a place to stay for the night.” So KFOR says, “OK, so stay together in the tenant’s apartment.”

Israel: The same apartment as the people they were trying to throw out?

Prlinčević: Yes.

Israel: Is that correct?

Prlinčević: Yes, yes. That’s what they suggested. So the Albanians and the Serbs, or whoever was there, would live together in the same building, in the apartment, and the gangsters would say, ‘If you don’t leave the apartment in the next two or three hours we will kill you, we will slaughter you.’

Gust: Can you get more identification of these people? Were they not from Kosovo, did they identify themselves in any way?

Prlinčević: Only insofar as they were armed, and in a position of power. Definitely they are creating an ethnically clean Kosovo.

Gust: When these people came to the building and threatened you, did you call KFOR?

Prlinčević: They were in the building already. When the Albanians came to my apartment KFOR was already there. One of the neighbors, a doctor, ran and called the KFOR soldiers to come and protect the place.

Israel: Did you talk to them?

Prlinčević: Yes. I spoke to them.

Gust: Do you know the name of the person you spoke to?

Prlinčević: The fellow, the soldier introduced himself as a Major in the British army. And when I showed my papers, this soldier said, “Forget it. Some other time.”

Gust: Some other time?

Prlinčević: The papers that said I was president of the Jewish Community in Priština. The soldier just glanced at the paper and said “Some other time,” like he didn’t have time to be bothered with this. “Don’t bother me now.”

Israel: He arrived with a squad of soldiers or alone?

Prlinčević: With his squad.

Gust: Did they do anything?

Prlinčević: If they helped me would I be here now?

Israel: Please don’t take offence at these questions. We are asking in such detail to get the clearest answers.

Prlinčević: It is not only I that suffered but thousands of others. People who are of the age of 80 and expelled from their homes. And they are still doing it on a daily basis.
It is still going on.

(End of September 1999 interview)


Footnotes and Further Reading

[1] See “Phony Kosovo ‘Independence,’” by Jared Israel, The Emperor’s New Clothes, Feb. 29, 2008, at

[2] “Why Albanians Fled During NATO Bombing – Interview with Čedomir Prlinčević,” The Emperor's New Clothes, Dec. 3, 2000, at

For information and analysis concerning the destruction of Yugoslavia, go to


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